Bilhim, João, (2002) “Políticas Públicas e a Qualidade de Serviço: Papel Central do. Cidadão”. Melhor Gestão para uma Melhor Administração – Fórum 2002. Lisboa: ISCSP: 63-84. Bilhim, João, (2004) Teoria Organizacional, 3.ª ed. Lisboa: ISCSP. Blijswij
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Challenges for Public Bureaucracies in Developing Countries: Intersectoriality and Federalist Coordination in Brazilian Income Transfer Policies – The “Programa Bolsa Familia” Case1 Prof. Lucas Ambrózio Lopes da Silva – [email protected] Prof. Dr. Carolina Raquel Duarte de Mello Justo – [email protected] “RC 30: Comparative Public Policy” and “RC32: Public Policy and Administration” Panel: “Challenges of Underdevelopment and Strategies for Change” Draft Version * Research carried out within the research project "Vertical and Horizontal Intergovernmental Relations in the Management of ‘Programa Bolsa Família’: Federalism and Intersectoriality in Brazilian southeastern capitals" coordinated by Prof. Carolina and funded by CNPq and FAPESP. ABSTRACT The intersectoriality issue has emerged in social policies with increasing force, establishing itself as one of the greatest contemporary challenges to public bureaucracies. In Brazil, the theme has emerged together with the formation of a social agenda marked by income transfer programs experiences, which have been established as a central pillar of the social protection system. This paper analyses these two movements – parallel advances of income transfer policies as core of the social protection system, as well as the intersectorialitty innovation. In the Brazilian case, where municipalities have rather power for public policies’ implementation, such intersectorialitty is even more complex and interesting as it should be conjugated not only at the federal level, but at the local one too. So, the paper presents some evidences of federal and inter-sector coordination in the analysis of the Bolsa Família program, responsible for reducing levels of poverty and income inequality in the country since 2001. The paper explores how the federal and local bureaucracies have been coordinated and structured through both formal and informal mechanisms of institutionalization, to add synergy and create effective coordination along the PBF policy cycle and implementation levels. So, side by side coordination, intersectorially at any federal level – or through vertical and horizontal conjugation – confers an interesting way of cooperation, which is worthy to know.
Paper - XXII World Congress of Political Science – IPSA, Madrid – Spain, July 08 to 12, 2012.
1. INTRODUCTION The objective of this work is to develop an argument around the assumption that the issue of intersectionality has made up an increasingly important issue for public policy analysis, especially taking into account the social development policies recently adopted in many countries Latin America and other developing countries. It becomes a challenge for policy management and configuration of a state apparatus efficiently structured and strengthened in order to qualify their horizontal interactions arising from the relationship between different government sectors involved in the whole cycle (re) production of public in order to integrate, efforts, skills, responsibilities and collective constructions of learning. Try, from the case study of the Bolsa Família Program (PBF) of the Brazilian government, writing an analysis that articulates the issue of intersectionality with the federative relations, focusing on how, especially, the federal government and municipalities are articulated to act in this program in a coordinated and able to promote a social intervention that produces effective integration of traditional sectors of social policies. In Brazil, with the democratization and the promulgation of the 1988 Federal Constitution, and the fiscal crisis of the 90s, social policies began to meet new demands and operate under a complex logic that brought new issues to the government agenda. Simon Schwartzman (Schwartzman, 2004) develops the idea of three generations of social policies. The first would be linked to the expansion and extension of social rights and benefits and is initiated in Brazil in the 30s2, consolidating itself only with the Constitution of 1988, when there was the consecration of a broad set of social rights. The second generation, which emerges from the agenda of the FHC and Lula, would seek to rationalize and reallocate resources in social spending in order to balance social and financial costs to correct its regressivity (Ribeiro, 2010). Finally, the policies of those third generation would be beyond the concerns of the previous generation, would have as its central objective the quality of services, seeking to respond fully to social problems, from the integration and coordination between the various public policies. This third generation, according to Schwartzman, would be the great challenge of social policy, since it does not state categorically that we are witnessing now and not even the second generation has already been completed. Thus, it is visible in social policies and institutional changes in its core objectives, which have changed: structures, divisions of responsibilities and intervention practices. From the analysis of some studies involving the issue of intersectionality, and government coordination (as Bakvis, 2004; Carneiro, 2010; Cunill Grau, 2005; Guirado, 2008; Martins, 2005; Peters, 1998; Repetto, 2009; Serra, 2004) and with the knowledge that "a finite set of concepts will never be able to capture what is in principle an infinite set of possible observations" (Davis, 2005: 29), we developed a new concept for the unassuming term intersectionality, "drawings and formal set of practices that provide synergy and 2
On the composition of social rights in Brazil occurred in the 30s, José Murilo de Carvalho (Carvalho, 2001) emphasizes that this process occurred in authoritarian and exclusionary, as it would have been an imposition of the Getulio Vargas government and not a conquest of citizens . So José Murilo draws on the widespread concept of Wanderley Guilherme dos Santos (Santos, 1970), "regulated citizenship" to characterize this process, since these social rights would also be restricted to unionized workers, thus excluding the majority of the population the time (farm workers, domestic workers, unemployed, etc.) and the relation between unions and employers to be mediated by government agents, compounding the unions pejoratively called sheepskin. The author argues further that in Brazil the process of succession in the conquest of rights followed the sequence distinct from that observed in developed countries, described by T. H. Marshall (Marshall, 1967), where he began the conquest of civil rights, then political rights and finally social rights, respectively, in the eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
complementarity among various sectors, policy makers (such as administrative, budgeting, the planning, human resources, etc..), but also the very specific areas of social policy such as welfare, education, health, etc. ". Thus, in our analysis intersectorality not restricted to a merely administrative or territorial, but encompasses multidimensional approaches, comprehensive responses and overcoming the fragmented sectoral interventions or specialized, with a low degree of dialogue in the search for solutions to common problems and / or inter -related, guided by some exercise of governmental coordination, especially intragovernmental. Which brings us to the need to think of an entire issue of governance and performance of public bureaucracies. With this order of conceptualization, Cunill Grau (2005) classifies the existing studies on intersectoral based on the source of justification proposed by them (more political or more technical). The more political premise is that the integration between sectors enables the search for comprehensive solutions to social problems and translates into an assumption that all public policies that pursue overall development strategies, such as improving the quality of life, should be planned and implemented across sectors. Since the premise more technical concentrates its focus on efficiency analysis, arguing that the integration between the sectors allows the differences between them can be used productively in dealing with social problems by creating solutions that best sectoriality, as it allows sharing of resources (not only economic, but the most distinct orders) that are specific to each sector. Thus the intersectoral gains prominence to overcome what Martin (2005) describes as the existence of a "theory of fragmentation" in relation to the formulation / implementation of public policies. 2. THE EMERGENCE OF INTERSECTORIALITY From the arguments above, we have developed an analytical scheme (Scheme 1) trying to position the issue of inter-sectoral in all field studies of public policies based on specific criteria, "the relationship between the actors involved public policy, "so it was possible to visualize a set of four great challenges of cooperation in the management units (folders / government agencies) responsible for the management of social programs, as illustrated in the diagram below, which this case it is a social program management responsibility of the Union (central government) as is often the case of programs of conditional income transfer (PCIT) adopted at national level in many Latin American countries. Scheme I: Cooperation Challenges in social programs
Source: prepared by the authors
The scheme is composed of vertical cooperation, which can also be defined as federative cooperation of countries where federal political system, where the Union, states and municipalities must interact within the federal pact and share expertise in social policy, but cooperation Vertical is also present in countries with unitary systems, since the issue of decentralization is present in all modern national governments. The literature identifies studies describing vertical cooperation as well as a relationship of competition and cooperation. This dilemma is common to all the other challenges, in synthesis, all studies were performed to interpret the relationship with greater or lesser degree of balance between the actors. Republican cooperation or "interpowers", in turn, brings the importance of coordination between the branches coming from the organization of democratic regimes in the case of social programs, cooperation with the executive to the judiciary and the legislature. Another who has taken special importance, especially after the 80's, social cooperation is also understood as social participation in the management of public policy, which emphasizes building social networks, social mobilization mechanisms and open channels of management, making the state a complex structure, integrated and permeable social interests of a direct order, as well as the influence of market and third sector organizations. And finally there is the horizontal cooperation, under which is intersectoral. However, one should not forget that this cooperation is influenced by civil society and sub-national units and intersectoral has the challenge of acquiring a decentralized, while a network structure that coordinates state and society, bringing it to within management. Horizontal cooperation, where the management units should relate constantly with management units of other programs, as well as agencies and bodies of the direct and indirect public administration, whether involved in "environmental activities" to be involved in politics to increase it with greater efficiency (obtaining results - outputs) and efficiency (economy of resources and maximization of results), as many resources can be shared (more technical discourse of horizontality). Not only that, but also more effective (enlargement of the impacts - outcomes), as a policy presented positive (synergy in administrative language) over others, creating a more comprehensive government intervention (political speech more horizontality) proposed condition for fighting complex cases, as is the agenda of fighting poverty.
The relevance of the study is fundamentally intertwined intersectorality to the present. There were never many specific sectoral structures such as ministries and secretaries, while never tried to spread both the importance of the formulation and implementation of comprehensive proposals, so that a program is able to account for a significant number of areas and joint actions. The subject emerges both the network of politicians and bureaucrats and the academic community, where we can identify a significant number of papers about the inter-sectoral, mainly in areas such as social work, health sciences and public administration3. To continue to endeavor to argue briefly about evidence that has emerged strongly intersectoral and cross below this with the also emergence of social development policies in Latin American countries, mainly through conditional cash transfer program income. The concept of social programs brings with it concerns about the presentation of complex, articulated, planned and coordinated. Even one of the greatest challenges in public financial management and budgetary contemporary is the effective use of the methodology of the "Program Budget" (Corrêa, 2010), giving the budget not only a function of control and monitoring of public expenditure but also of central government planning instrument, thus bringing the central importance of intersectoral coordination for program management, through the joint efforts of governmental folders to share the costs low and maximize the effects of the commitment of each agency's budget. Therefore, the intersectoral plays an important role in introducing the culture of planning in the public sector (De Toni, 2009), expanding the horizons of the policies and giving them more sustainable, enabling greater success stages of maturation. Recent laws and national constitutions in general are also important balizadores the debate, as they along with the administrative rules and executive function defines the powers and responsibilities of each administrative structure (ministries, municipalities, foundations, etc). Thus, knowledge of the legal framework is an important tool for visualization of the potential on one side and on the other, the limits of intersectoriality exactly they are the ones defining the "sectoriality" (says about the competence of each one of the government sectors). The same relationship applies eyeliner for definition of vertical cooperation (between national units), as the Constitution defines to some extent, responsibilities, powers and duties of each level of government in different social spheres (Arretche and Rodriguez, 1999), also defined in terms of sectors or policy areas for each level of government, limiting or extending their integration and horizontal coordination, strengthening or hindering the intersectoral, in the latter case, resulting, for example, overlapping policies, efforts and actions, or otherwise, in the absence or weakness of the public, resulting in a fragmented demands attendance and social rights (Draibe, 1990). We agree with the idea that the social context of the past for the XXI century is marked "by the multiplication and fragmentation of interests, extending frantic demands for serious coordination problems and address the uncertainty and insecurity and the emaciation of loyalties" (Nogueira, 2004). So these tensions within the state apparatus, have led to important projections that more and more the state would be assuming a configuration of network and multi-levels, which would be under a horizontal approach to implementation of public policies. Within this framework, mainstreaming (transversality) can be understood as a kind of "high-level intersectoral institutions."
In another study (Silva, 2011) argue about the importance of political science incorporate the theme of intersectoriality and research agenda, in particular, to be jointly built in the area of Latin America.
“Mainstreaming tries to organizational responses to the need to incorporate themes, visions, approaches, public objective problems, etc.. to the tasks of the organization that do not fit in a single vertical organizational structures and tries also to share ALL of these vertical structures synergistically to achieve a common goal that is specific to each of them in particular.” (Serra, 2004:3) 3. HISTORICAL PBF CHARACTERIZATION The “Programa Bolsa Família” - PBF ("Family Grant Program") was created in January 2004, by law 10,836, although performances were in before. He is the result of the expansion and unification of five other Federal income transfer are created and expanded since 2001: Bolsa-Escola ("School Scholarship"), Bolsa-Alimentação ("Grant Supply"), Auxílio-Gas ("Help -Gas "), Cartão-Alimentação ("Food Card") and do Trabalho Erradicação Program Child - PETI (" Eradication of Child Labor "). Considered a program to combat poverty, Ministério do Desenvolvimento linked to social and Combating Hunger - MDS ("Ministry of Social Development and Fight Against Hunger"), provides for the granting of a monetary benefit, the value varies according to income per capita monthly number of children under 15, number of children 16 to 17 years. The Family Grant Program may be included in a series of programs with similar configurations, called Conditional Transfer Programs Income, they are all characterized by mechanisms of targeting of beneficiaries, transfers and demand / stimulus shares for shares by these . This range of programs today is widespread in Latin America (Kliksberg, 2006; Marquionni & Conconi, 2008) and elsewhere, especially in developing countries. Conditionalities being a key feature of the PBF, highlight the following: Conditionalities health regulations were established by a joint Ministry of Health with the MDS (Ordinance joint MS / MDS in 2509 from November 2004), which consists of families with children under 7 years must commit to keep up the vaccination schedule and checking weight and height (important items of policy to combat child malnutrition) and pregnant women must go through medical and educational pre-and post-birth. The regulations define control functions and management of health compliance for municipal and state health, for the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Social Development. All this is important to transform the conditionality of a levy for families with a commitment by the minimum health conditions between federation and society, trying to accomplish here, the three basic principles of program management: intersectionality, decentralization and social participation. With regard to education, the Ordinance of the Ministry of Education jointly with the Ministry of Social Development (Ordinance MEC / MDS 3789-November 2004) establishes a minimum attendance of 85% every month for children between 6 and 15 years and 75% for children between 16 and 17 years. As with the regulation of health, is defined assignment for all federal entities and there is the recommended practices of social participation in the management of local systems of effective education, so make social participation in these instances is the school management fact and not just in law, so does that relates to health. The conditionality of welfare involved in PBF comes from its integration with the "Eradication of Child Labor" (PETI), established by Decree 666 of December 2005, for the PBF identifies the beneficiary families, those who are in a position of vulnerability of child 6
labor and establishing a special service to them, while maintaining the expertise and specific objectives of each program. Thus, the conditionality of welfare is that children and adolescents up to 15 years at risk of child labor or withdrawn by the PETI should participate in the so-called Living Services and Strengthening Linkages with a frequency of 85%. The PBF comes to the 5,563 Brazilian municipalities with a fairly effective coverege, arriving today, almost all of the estimated population for this level of per capita income of R $ 140.00, are exactly 13,394,8934. The program assumes the role of the great social program of the Brazilian social protection system XXI century (SILVA, YASBEK and Giovanni, 2004; SILVA, 2008). Data from studies undertaken by researchers at the "Institute of Applied Economic Research" - IPEA, as Ricardo Paes de Barros, Fábio Veras Soares, Sergei Soares, presented by Maria da Silva e Silva Ozanira (2008), suggest that the recent remains of the levels of poverty and inequality in Brazil, especially after 2001, especially due to the improvement of workers' income (inclusive by increasing the minimum wage), but also to income transfer programs, is responsible for a between 20% and 25% in the Gini index. However, if the PBF has a greater impact in regard to reducing inequality, being a massive, broad COVERAGE, on the other side has the potential decreased as refiriese to overcome barriers poverty for families served, as the value of the benefit is still low (SILVA, 2008). The recent transformations which have passed the program indicate, however, that the PBF reached a significant COVERAGE pattern, so that new measures introduced in order to increase the value of the benefit, increasing their ability to cope poverty in monetary terms. 4. THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE EVOLUTION OF INTERSECTORIALITY AS PRACTICES AND POLITICAL KNOWLEDGE MANAGEMENT POLICIES Contemporary theories of social policies point to the fact that the emergence of new themes and a new way of thinking about state action, since the twenty-first century state, especially in the context of Latin American countries, is called to account for a number of social policies, often formalized and national laws, but taking into account the influence of the neoliberal paradigm and real fiscal crisis in 90 countries over the years, all these issues would be further strained at the turn of the century. In Brazil, especially in the context of the resumption of a nationalist political discourse and social mainly arises what many theorists (Bielschowsky, 2011; Bresser-Pereira, 2011) named the new developmentalism5 as it takes old songs of the 30 as emphasis on economic growth from a nationalist perspective, but redefined with social issues in response to the neoliberal perspectives gained strength, mainly over the 90. This movement witnessed in Brazil with an analogy can also be observed in other Latin American countries, although with very particular ways in each country, where we identify a trend of more choices of games left in recent years. It is in this context of emerging social dimension the term social fact in Latin American countries, which would cover this complex set of social policies and programs of the States. It is for this reason that corporate
Second official data: http://aplicacoes.mds.gov.br/sagi entered on April 28, 2012. New developmentalism in Brazil, is also different from national developmentalism, which would leave the 30's to early 80s, as the industrialization strategy is not aimed at import substitution, but for exports and domestic consumption mass, therefore, is another profile industrial policy. Clearly, the Conditional Incomes Transfer Programs are a significant part in this strategy, especially in light of this consumer market growth with improved employment and income levels.
management has gained such prominence on the agenda of government and academic debates (Chiara & Di Virgilio, 2009). It is also gaining ground in social theory a number of works about the so-called theory of justice that will bring important contributions to the theoretical debate about policies promoting greater equality, respecting differences and promoting conditions conducive to overcoming the elements that cause materially and symbolically of inequality in society. State activity is complex and won numerous challenges. Therefore, the arguments set forth below, become increasingly consensual theory of social policies. "No short-term solution to the problems of poverty in Brazil. For poverty to be overcome, we need political will and commitment to the values of social equality and human rights, proper economic policy, generating resources, an efficient public sector, as the responsible use of resources it receives from society, and specific policies on education, health, work, child protection and the fight against social discrimination, among others." (Schwartzman, 2004). Moreover, important governmental actors have claimed that "a strategy of economic and social development in Brazil should be composed of two parts. The first is the end point, ie where they wish to bring to society. And the second is the economic trajectory should facilitate delivery to the end "(Sicsú, 2009:19). Brazil currently meeting would be the time of social policies with economic ones. This strategy is key to understanding the time of Brazil today committed to reduce social inequalities, a country has one of the worst Gini coefficients in the region. In theory building level, the issue of intersectoral discussed today can be understood as a kind of evolution of theories of the so-called democratic administration, which arises in the United States from the 40's as a way of integrating management theories with more general theories of democracy, a proposal to integrate two fields of study: political science and public administration (Denhardt, 2011). The central idea was that the democratic state should not only be based on democratic principles but also be administered under democratic terms, with the democratic principle marking its administrative apparatus. One consequence of these values is the spread of a series of formal administrative structures with the mission of democratic debate and discuss issues of daily management as we look today the whole system of corporate bodies (councils) within governments, both discuss issues with society and between the ministries or agencies involved with this policy. These institutional construction of engineering and politics as we shall see in the case of this work is often the most widespread creation of formal structures to promote intersectoral policy. Recently the field of public policy comes to see a whole literature flower that seeks to discuss the issue of governance, and the lack of consensus among authors using many meanings for the term. Its emergence is from the 80, mostly in the 90 and addresses a number of themes that say about even seemingly contradictory themes, such as governance as strengthening the market perspective or as a generator of social capital, civic participation and building society (Capella, 2008). We believe that a definition that comes closest to the proposed intersectoral would be the argument developed about the networks began to exercise great influence on the formulation and implementation of public policies, creating contexts in which states or their organizations would a thread of the network, having the power to articulate public function and promote the network. The network theory in the field of public 8
policy also brings attention to the issue of the importance of informal joint around policy networks, which is not necessarily negative, but only is to say that the informal arrangements in policy implementation to achieve a decisive role in the results and impacts of the policy in question (MARQUES, 2010; LOMNYTZ ADLER, 1995). 5. BUILDING INTERSECTORIALITY GOVERNMENT
“The implementation and management of the Family Grant Program is to give public and government will be decentralized, through joint efforts between the federal, observed the intersectoral, community participation and social control”6 (Law 10,836/04, Art. 8º) This article of the Federal Law 10,836 of 9 January 2004 establishing the Family Grant Program defines intersectionality as a basic principle, as well as community participation and social control. This definition provides a very clear message from the federal government to other federal entities, especially municipalities, which is the need to promote intersectoral and pervade every level of the federation. In this sense and from a role as a promoter of subnational units, the federal government also established an "Inter-Management Council," as the product of institutional engineering required to promote the onset of intersectionality. This would be a significant part of the apparatus "legal-organizational" to give support to this need for coordination of sectors within the federal government. This board was also established by law that created the PBF: “It is created as an advisory body to the President immediately, the Management Council of the InterMinisterial Family Grant Program, in order to integrate and formulate policies, set guidelines, rules and procedures on the development and implementation of the Family Grant Program, as well as support initiatives for the institution of social policies aimed at promoting the empowerment of families benefited from the program at the federal, state, municipal and Federal District, with the powers, composition and operation established by act of the executive branch.”7 (Lei 10.836/04, Art. 4º) The Council consists of members representing each of the seven ministries or public authorities more involved with the implementation of GMP. Below we describe how each of the agencies involved with the management of the PBF. 6
Original text in portuguese: “A execução e a gestão do Programa Bolsa Família são públicas e governamentais e dar-se-ão de forma descentralizada, por meio da conjugação de esforços entre os entes federados, observada a intersetorialidade, a participação comunitária e o controle social.” (Lei 10836/04, Art. 8º) 7 Original text in portuguese: “Art. 4º Fica criado, como órgão de assessoramento imediato do Presidente da República, o Conselho Gestor Interministerial do Programa Bolsa Família, com a finalidade de formular e integrar políticas públicas, definir diretrizes, normas e procedimentos sobre o desenvolvimento e implementação do Programa Bolsa Família, bem como apoiar iniciativas para instituição de políticas públicas sociais visando promover a emancipação das famílias beneficiadas pelo Programa nas esferas federal, estadual, do Distrito Federal e municipal, tendo as competências, composição e funcionamento estabelecidos em ato do Poder Executivo.”
1) "Ministério do Desenvolvimento Social e Combate à Fome" - MDS (Ministry of Social Development and Fighting Hunger), which holds the presidency of the council is the body responsible for promoting the social welfare policies and strategies to combat poverty, is for this reason, the organization responsible for PBF. 2) "Ministério da Educação" - MEC (Ministry of Education), which has the responsibility to develop a series of public programs that seek to improve the education and training of the beneficiaries. 3) "Ministério da Saúde" MS (Ministry of Health) has the role to provide a comprehensive health care to families, establishing a strategy of interaction with families in situations of social vulnerability and poverty. 4) "Ministério do Planejamento Orçamento e Gestão" - MOP (Ministry of Planning, Budget and Management), whose mission is to allocate and plan the allocation of financial and human resources required to manage the PBF, besides supporting the MDS process development of management technologies and computerized administrative systems that give support to it. 5) "Ministério da Fazenda" - MOF (Ministry of Finance), which should integrate the program with the strategy of economic development and growth of government, turning it into an important part of the country's economic policy, since the decrease of inequalities regional economic and increases domestic consumption, but on the other hand one can not forget that it also generates increased public spending and inflationary pressure, as side effects. 6) “Casa Civil da Presidência da República” - CC (Civil House of Republic Presidency), which is the body responsible for making the coordination between ministries is, therefore, the state agency most involved in the theme of intragovernmental coordination, and committed to the challenge of increasing intersectoral government policy, is therefore the nearest Ministry of the Presidency. 7) "Caixa Econômica Federal" - CAIXA is a major stateowned banks in Brazil and also has an important role in many federal social programs, since as it is one of the few banks present in all Brazilian cities, plays the role of making resources public came to the citizens, for example in the politics of social security, housing, microcredit, and the very act of transfer income. In the case of the Bolsa Família CAIXA is the operating agent of the program, providing all the necessary conditions to support the system of registration of beneficiaries, called "Single Registry" - CadÚnico, which is the centralized registration system that manages all information about the population in poverty, performing the functions of organization, maintenance, systems development and preparation of reports for monitoring by the MDS, in addition to being the financial agent CAIXA responsible for payment of benefits. Overall, all seven structures mentioned above are still present in the management of PBF, with the addition of the "Ministério do Trabalho e Emprego" - MTE (Ministry of Labor and Employment), which now participate in the program through a new cross-compliance in year 2005. The following table shows how each of the structures they operate: the program is in production (planning and execution), is working together to guarantee the conditions. Table 1: Others agencies involved in PBF management
However the college listed above ("Interministerial Council Manager"), does not endorse or promote intersectoral cooperation. Through field research, consisting of a series of interviews with leaders and public servants involved in the process of building intersectoral approach, we identified that the establishment of a management council was only the beginning of a process of building intersectoral today and already materialized is widely incorporated into the PBF. It is quite reasonable to think that the generation of intersectoral not be built by one or two people from each agency, but by a series of work crews engaged for this purpose. Result of this fieldwork, we present below a scheme that seeks to synthesize the production processes of intersectionality in the case of PBF. Scheme 2: The process of intersectoriality building in PBF Case
Source: prepared by the authors
As shown in the diagram, one has to start would be the element of government's perception of the importance of intersectionality (Step 1), which is very clear by the inclusion of the principle of intersectoral cooperation in legislation that created the PBF, and the establishment of a collegiate leads to her face. Step two would be the time at which the first meeting and initial discussions that will unfold in the establishment of a series of commitments from various agencies, they will be taken forward in step 3, where the capacity will be built (human resource allocation and financial, preparation of work teams and their work environments). Step 4 is the center of intersectoral arrangements built around the PBF, since the engagement of the bureaucracies of the agencies is what will make the intersectoral materialize every day. As important as the political (involvement of the president and his ministers) is the engagement of their bureaucracies means to be responsible for exercising the role of agent and coordinator of relations between the sectors (plus explore best before this step). From this there is an intensification of the relationships between bureaucracies and arrival for the first time to the process of executing administrative tasks (Step 5), this will generate a series of patterns of relationships, all grounded on informal and personal traits, given the low control home. In step 6 would do the work of collective learning, which would be identified which experiences are not working and fix them, but mainly to identify patterns 11
of success and describe them in step 7, in order to map the relationship and try to routine take the personal brand, standardizing them. Finally in step 8 discussions would be made between areas to arrive at a consensus on what can be formalized, an important step for knowledge management and stability of horizontal cooperation. We identified some elements that promote and justify steps in the case of PBF. The perception of the challenge of intersetoriliadade is emerging from many fronts as we mentioned above, she also takes on special importance to be an important feature of intragovernmental coordination in a federal government that has sought to develop a series of policies around social development, as a way of giving materiality to a process of public debate on the agenda of growth with a reduction of social inequalities, which gained strength during the 2002 presidential campaign that elected President Lula and the government led the Workers' Party (the party historically linked to social democratic values and strong social policies). The second step also has to do with the role of president and the political group most strongly articulated it. Overall, the leadership of the President and his speech to combat poverty is reflected to some extent on the mobilization of the ministers, given that this valuation of the subject begin to generate a more favorable environment for cooperation and working together, we find The presence of what Kingdon (1984) defines as the necessary convergence of three streams that will generate the Policy Window for entry of an item on the government agenda, the flows: problems (emergence of intersectionality as a key theme in public policy management [Silva, 2011]), proposals (PBF previous experiences and developments in management practices) and politics (political speech rallying the theme of social development and combating poverty). A common feature of intersectionality is that it does not seek to replace the industry, on the contrary it strengthens the sectors, which can from her efforts and maximize scarce resources and promote more complex and specialized interventions. This feature is observed in PBF, since the Ministry of Social Development - MDS does not take away from other tasks, and do not compete for the same resource budget since the budget funds allocated are independent with the guarantee of not compromised other social program. This stimulates steps 2 and 3, reducing potential conflicts and maximizing the update of scarce resources. Another feature of step 3 for the case was the rapid appointment to leadership positions in a number of MDS servers Career Specialist in Public Policy and Governmental Management (Career Cross meritocratic recruitment and technical training to a select body of policy makers who, depending on your level of political awareness and alignment to the government of the day may occupy the strategic positions of leadership positions, the positions named in the "DAS" (Superior Direction and Advice). In general the members of this career have high levels of remuneration and training, as well as having a high degree of coordination among themselves for the implementation of public policies, which from the fact that they are in different ministries creates great potential for coordination between agencies and public policy. By "Middle Bureaucracy empowerment" we mean a process in which the bureaucracy will be recruited, a group to coordinate actions, to be the link between high bureaucracy (ministerial cabinets) and paperwork operating (hard core of bureaucracy), as we see more clearly in the "Pyramid of Organizational Brazilian Federal Public Administration" below. Given the fact that the bureaucracy in general average shall be occupied by civil servers that will be placed on the basis of leadership in public administration this process follows a logic different part of the logic of private management, even if the difference is tenuous, as so significant such as managerial ability is the ability to engage the political government strategy 12
(politicization), so this nomination process can also be a process of cooptation of the bureaucracy, which has different effects, but one of them is to give the organization greater cohesion, so higher capacity for coordination (Selznick, 1978). Scheme 3: Organizational Pyramid of Brazilian Federal Public Administration
Source: prepared by the authors
This process of empowerment can also generate a bureaucratic elite in the position of middle managers. This elite, like all elites have high power (given to her by the process of empowerment and the process of appointment / recruitment for the post of head), but it would be highly homogeneous and very similar environments circulation, which leads greater internal cohesion. This elite set here is very similar to the profile of elite developed and analyzed by C. Wright Mills in his book "The Power Elite" (Mills, 1956), where the elite would be formed by a series of interlocking directorates, was strongly marked by the presence of informal networks of movement and articulation, would create a strongly homogeneous social class and dominate the hierarchical positions. In general, all these features already pointed out by Mills in the 50 to verify the characterization of the elite in question, very grounded to a specific public career. On the one hand we incur the risk that this will constitute “elitization” as an area of bureaucratic insulation may present point of veto over public policy, on the other empowerment of middle bureaucracy opens opportunities for innovation management and the pattern of intersectoral developed as it stimulates the creativity of the body of servants, which is a rare value to be achieved in public bureaucracies, especially in developing countries like Brazil (OECD, 2010). The creativity of the bureaucracy its aggregate capacity of networking with the ability to circulate a large flow of information and knowledge coupled with transfer of autonomy with accountability mechanisms is crucial for the conformation of step 5, where 13
the servers created by adjusting a mutual set of practices and informal patterns of intersectoral and cooperation between different sectors of the federal executive. Steps 6 and 7 are associated with the presence of a culture of letting the good practices emerge, they are valued because they are guided by the idea of going to be formalized and disseminated. Quality management in public administration has called attention to the characteristic of standardization activities and constant monitoring and periodic review of what has been done. Encourage a server can think of process standards, drawing, therefore, their personal characteristics, is no easy task, especially practices that were going down a context of low stiffness and procedural informality, from an incremental approach of trial and error. Thus step 8, standardization, has the leadership of a very experienced server, is to know the general aspects of public policy, is well known in his own office, it is therefore someone who has a pragmatic and general. The leader sets the servers together with the process of identification, selection and standardization of best practices, giving teams the expertise that has to master the laws also. All described processes lead to the formation and formalized cross-cutting pattern for cooperation with a high degree of legitimacy (since the former has formalization and act as a post crystallization set practice) and efficiency, once the concrete rising based on the fact it is born with viability ensured and, more importantly, the procedures and persons responsible for them are widely known. There is no doubt that standardization also ensures greater stability intersectorality formed, as it fails to link to personal characteristics and organizational communication channels restricted. Finally, we highlight the strength intersectoral generated from a single scheme for social programs with the same focus. From CadÚnico opens a window of opportunity for the government has more power in policy making, directing them to areas with higher presence of poor families by locating them accurately on the map of poverty and extreme poverty. The CadÚnico is therefore of the role of large information management system for the design of social policies. Realising the potential of this system, the ministry has created around him all cooperation for the improvement of the system (updating, adding new items, readjustment and increase the reliability and accuracy of processed data) and to include more families to it, to generate a highly relevant source of information for decision making and formulation of policies and programs 6. THE PBF AND THE FEDERATIVES RELATIONS One of the central features of the joint federal PBF is strong that it demands, given its mission: to be a federal program and being able to transfer income and manage their conditionalities in all locations, however distant they may be. In order to create an incentive mechanism for states and municipalities co-operate was created Decentralized Management Index - IGD, which is the establishment of an index composed of variables: coverage and update the register of beneficiaries, monitoring of health and education conditionalities , the federative membership to the Unified Social Assistance, accountability of funds transferred by the federal government and its submission to social control and accountability processes, so the index value for each city or state will set the total budget the central government will transfer to them. This happens to be set up as an opportunity, albeit limited, additional revenue, so the states and municipalities seeking to develop their State capacities to manage the program and 14
organize their strategies for coping with poverty. The index has the clear objective of induction of subnational units, is the clear exercise of the disciplinary function of the central government to impose restrictions on the irresponsible behavior of states and municipalities, it was important to create the minimum conditions of stability and pursuit of economic development (Rodden, 2002). Another strategy was very striking in federal PBF is linked to the fact that the liaison with the Member has not been established with the initial strategy, as it would be possible to structure quite reasonable for the program without the actual presence of the States, which at first was understood as essential to the reduction of potential political differences and techniques necessary for the PBF could be structured. Thus the municipalities were prioritized8, as they would have realized the enormous challenge of the territorial program in a country the size and regional inequalities and administrative capacity of public bureaucracies such as Brazil. That is, the PBF has adopted a strategy of focusing articulator restricted in order to increase the capacity of the federal government to implement this program which meant the construction of the central axis of its policy of combating hunger and inequality, as announced in the presidential campaign 2003. Fenwick (2009) comes up to say that this feature to circumvent the governors was one of the causes of success of PBF. After this initial moment and already having the PBF to be effective and reasonably structured to suit your purposes, other challenges began to gain prominence, especially those linked to the strategy of direct linkage between the central government and municipalities. In a federal system as the Brazilian central government did not possess full tools and capabilities to coordinate directly with local units. Skip to demand structures that make a link between the federal government and the 5565 Brazilian municipalities. With this mission was stepped on agreements with states to create state coordinators who made this paper a multiplier and aggregator of demands. Thus states are continually receiving more attention from the federal government, with emphasis on the reformulation of the system of budget transfers via Decentralized Management Index of States (IGD-E) occurred in 2010, where states have also begun to receive funds from federal government for the management of the PBF. Even this focus of liaison with the Member becomes a strategy in the current government of President Rousseff, who attempted further actions to fight poverty, to achieve the goal of eradicating extreme poverty. In order to understand how this process was a cooperative approach with local authorities will take comparative research conducted in the cities of Campinas, Jundiaí, Santo Andre and Santos, all in the state of São Paulo, shown as vertical intergovernmental relations - states - and horizontal - cross - interpenetranse in the management, implementation and impact of programs income transfer (Justo, 2007). That is, these four cities have municipal programs also programs (local) income transfer and that the state of São Paulo also has a program. According to this research, Campinas and Santo André are municipalities that have, in relation to income transfer programs, intergovernmental relations closer, both vertical and horizontal, while relations Jundiaí and Saints are off and low , as shown in the graph below (the x axis represents the degree of horizontal cooperation and the y-axis represents the degree of vertical cooperation - federal) Figure I: Inter and Intra-governmentals relations
The Municipalities in Brazil are also a federative being full, as well as Union and the States.
Source: JUSTO, 2007
According to this research, Jundiaí is where there is less dialogue between the areas of municipal government, state and federal, in regard to income transfer programs. The municipal program (PAGRM), state ("Join City" - Renda Cidadã) and the Family (federal) are considered as "different things" without coordination between them, managed at the municipal level by different municipal offices, which not necessarily interact and overlap of programs produced, although this has been deliberately planned. Santos has shown little more advanced than Jundiaí on dialogue between the three spheres of government and income transfer programs. In Jundiaí Citizen Income benefits for long confined to one district only, which was not yet built at a municipal program of transfer income (PNF), and only recently began to be delivered by the rest of the city. Due to legal restrictions and government oversight, there is no overlap between him and the other programs. As for the Bolsa Familia, a decision was made not to perform the integration between it and the NFP in order to maintain quality of care provided by the city to the beneficiary households of the latter. Thus, there is complementarity between the benefits, but there is a possibility of overlap between them. For its time in Campinas, local government followed the trail of the integration between programs of the three spheres of government, having made some experiments, as the interaction between the two types of benefits: the city (PGRFM) and the state (Enter City) with the aim of increasing the total amount received by the beneficiary families. Another initiative was the adoption of the same strategy of the municipal program to include families in the state program, through intersectoral fora, as detailed below. Similarly, the same option of removing socio-educational meetings made compulsory in relation to the municipal program was also extended to the state program. In addition, all income transfer programs were grouped in one direction in the secretary of citizenship, work, support and social inclusion (SMCTAIS). Until the end of the field research had not yet been defined integration measures with the Bolsa Familia, which were under discussion. 16
Finally, Santo André is the city that stands out in vertical intergovernmental relations. Not only municipal program income transfer was amended, adopting the same conditions and criteria of the Bolsa Familia, to join him, but also decided to distribute the benefits of the programs of the three spheres of government so that there was no overlap between them and, therefore, achieve the widest possible coverage with income-transfer programs. Therefore, its management is performed in a unified way for both the inclusion of families as to accompany them, which is done by prioritizing situations of social or personal risk (JUSTO, 2007). 7. MANAGEMENT OF THE INTERSECTORIALITY IN LOCAL LEVEL About the intersectoral management, Jundiaí is the municipality with less integration between municipal secretaries and social policies regarding the management and implementation of PBF, although the city has a municipal program of income transfers, obviously It receives also the program state government, these programs - in nature - are in different departments (secretaries) of government, allowing overlap of programs in a noncontrolled or directed by the city, resulting in the dispersion of efforts. There is a greater attention of the municipal administration to the local program, through closer attention and more personalized social workers of the municipality, which facilitates access to public health services and education to the small population of beneficiaries the municipal program. This access, however, there is no institutionalized way and in fact corresponds to the perpetuation of paternalistic and clientelistic practices in the city, with the distinction between "poor poor" within the township, as are beneficiaries of a municipal program, or state or federal. There is, therefore, a municipal strategy to a competition in providing these services. The same is observed in Santos, where the integration between policies and secretaries is visible mainly in the implementation of the municipal (Our Family Program - PNF), through informal search techniques responsible for the operation of the program, facilitate beneficiary access to policies and social services. However, although there is by law an intersectoral committee responsible for coordinating the program, its performance is limited and is based on the tacit agreement to give priority to the input of the beneficiaries of the PNF in policies and services performed by the secretaries education and health. For its time in Campinas, integration between policy and social services related to the decentralization process that led to the creation of units in the neighborhoods where, in the same space, they organized various social services like health, education and welfare. This process, which became one of the pioneering experiences of state action in the fight against poverty and has been studied by many researchers, including by having many of the principles now embodied in the PBF, however, weakened during the administration Progressive Party (PP, the time SSP) in the city, due to the weak institutionalization of the decentralization process. However, the legacy of this experience remained a form of learning of public bureaucracies. The result was that from the administration of the Workers' Party (PT) in the City (2000), management measures were established democratic-participatory, decentralized and cross. Although, as in other cases, intersectoral action is due largely to the efforts and initiatives by professionals from the tip of policies (Street Level Bureaucracy), which implement the policies and have greater contact with the population, were created forums cross in the neighborhoods and, in the case of the municipal income transfer (PGRFM), were responsible for the inclusion of families and the search for joint solutions to problems faced by them. This will spread the idea of co-responsibility of the various secretaries (health, 17
education, housing, culture and sports, as well as social assistance) about finding solutions to problems facing the majority of the population served, joining forces and seeking synergy. Thus, even the casual attitudes of social workers no longer characterized as a personal favor of the traditional paternalistic and clientelistic practices. Finally, in Santo André, where intergovernmental practices are more innovative, both in terms federation and cross. As in Campinas, the benefits of the transfer of income supports are considered the strengthening of social safety net, State first contact with citizens. Moreover, in Santo André is observed the debate over the future of public action between representatives of the various secretaries in team meetings and committees. The integration between policy and social services managed by the city is under the first matrix, summarized in the slogan "all together at the same time and place" of Santo André More Equal Program (SAMI), comprising, addition to the income transfer programs, the adult literacy (MOVE), the generation of employment and income (GETIS), the care of children during working hours from their mothers (“Sementinha”) Program Family Health (PSF) and the Community Health Agents (PACS), the last two federal, and others. Thus, access to social and public services in Santo André, is not only easier for some of the poorest of the poor of the city, as in Santos and Campinas, but generalized and spread to the urban poor by strengthening relations between them and authority (JUSTO, 2007). 8. FINAL CONSIDERATIONS We seek to discuss the emergence of both the theme of intersectoral policies and social development in Brazil has recently experienced. Within this movement found the formation of a program of conditional cash transfer. Here is the intersectionality as a complex set of management challenges of public policies and look so simple and unpretentious, characterize it from a theoretical reference for Public Administration and Public Policy. These emergency procedures are convergent, since the strategy of social development policies and reduction of inequalities implies, somehow overcoming the fragmentation of public policies, the coordination of public agencies and networking solutions for the production of joint. Identified and developed the building model of intersectoral PBF within the federal executive through eight basic processes. We believe that the process developed in place some important considerations. Intersectoriality presupposes respect for the industry, so it is not as radical as a strategy transversality, for example, favors this respect the creation of an environment conducive to horizontal cooperation. We also saw that the appeal of the theme (poverty alleviation) accompanied by a broad public debate and a prioritization of the president of the republic may be the perfect amalgam for the mobilization and politicization of the bureaucracy. Since as shown it plays a central role in the construction and success of horizontal relationships. It is also the group leader to assume a political process of state building and capacity and resource allocation strategy, which in the case of PBF was accompanied by a middle bureaucracy empowerment, giving it the autonomy to build intersectoral task through a craft and everyday. The middle bureaucracy is, in this case, occupied by civil servers that will be placed in terms of leadership. This process in public administration follows a different logic in the logic of private management, even if the difference is tenuous, because as significant as management capability is the ability to engage the political government strategy (politicization). It emphasizes the importance of training in public careers of strong executive 18
with a high degree of meritocracy, dense training and qualification of its staff and especially capacity allocation in different folders government. The existence of this career profile can be used as support element intersectionality. The empowerment of middle bureaucracy opens opportunities for innovation management and intersectoral pattern developed, as it stimulates the creativity of the body of servants, which is a rare value to be achieved in public bureaucracies, especially in developing countries. The creativity of the bureaucracy its aggregate capacity of networking with the ability to circulate a large flow of information and knowledge, coupled with the transfer of autonomy with accountability mechanisms is crucial to the establishment of mechanisms of mutual adjustment that will develop a set of practices and informal patterns of intersectoral and cooperation between different sectors of the federal executive, which may be the creative process of routines and patterns, as the informal practices should be formalized. The formalization is important to give greater stability to intersectoral arrangements, facilitating knowledge management, group dynamics and clarity about the information flows. By analyzing the Brazilian case the PBF exemplificas seek some elements of the central government has to cooperate with state governments in an attempt to launch guidelines and establish a relationship of induction in the construction of operation of a program with great challenges. Here it is worth emphasizing the fact that the federal government centralized program formulation, only the decentralizing execution. In addition to the initial strategy was to prioritize the coordination of the federal government with the municipalities, which was considered a successful strategy (Fenwic, 2009), since it avoids possible veto power of states in the decision of public policy. After this initial effort in recent years there has been a growing attempt to link up well with the states, since these have an important role as a link between the federal government and municipalities. We emphasize the importance of new studies that address the issue of intersectionality from a theoretical framework of public administration as a way of examining the mechanisms of coordination within the public bureaucracy, and political science as a means of developing cooperation of these impacts for the consolidation of democracy and to increase social development, through the implementation of public policies at the same time boost the capacity of government coordination for the implementation of public policies more efficiently efficient and effective. These elements along with the need in developing countries to formulate a policy agenda for fighting poverty and social inequalities form a very favorable environment for strengthening of intersectoral coordination strategy as government and as a standard for the strategic management of public policies 9. BIBLIOGRAPHY ADLER LOMNYTZ, L. (1995). Estrategias informales en organizaciones formales. In: Redes Sociales, Cultura y Poder: ensayos de antropología latinoamericana. FLACSO, Sede México. M.A. Porrúa (México). ARRETCHE, M. e RODRIGUEZ, V. (orgs.). (1999). Descentralização das Políticas Sociais no Brasil. São Paulo: Fapesp, IPEA, Edições Fundap. BAKVIS, H.; JUILLET, L. (2004). O desafio horizontal: ministérios setoriais, órgãos centrais e liderança. Cadernos ENAP. Brasília.
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